Words near each other
・ "O" Is for Outlaw
・ "O"-Jung.Ban.Hap.
・ "Ode-to-Napoleon" hexachord
・ "Oh Yeah!" Live
・ "Our Contemporary" regional art exhibition (Leningrad, 1975)
・ "P" Is for Peril
・ "Pimpernel" Smith
・ "Polish death camp" controversy
・ "Pro knigi" ("About books")
・ "Prosopa" Greek Television Awards
・ "Pussy Cats" Starring the Walkmen
・ "Q" Is for Quarry
・ "R" Is for Ricochet
・ "R" The King (2016 film)
・ "Rags" Ragland
・ ! (album)
・ ! (disambiguation)
・ !!
・ !!!
・ !!! (album)
・ !!Destroy-Oh-Boy!!
・ !Action Pact!
・ !Arriba! La Pachanga
・ !Hero
・ !Hero (album)
・ !Kung language
・ !Oka Tokat
・ !PAUS3
・ !T.O.O.H.!
・ !Women Art Revolution

Dictionary Lists
翻訳と辞書 辞書検索 [ 開発暫定版 ]
スポンサード リンク

intellectual : ウィキペディア英語版

An intellectual is a person who engages in critical study, thought, and reflection about the reality of society, and proposes solutions for the normative problems of that society, and, by such discourse in the public sphere, he or she gains authority within the public opinion.〔Jennings, Jeremy and Kemp-Welch, Tony. "The Century of the Intellectual: From Dreyfus to Salman Rushdie", ''Intellectuals in Politics'', Routledge: New York (1997) p.1.〕〔Top 100 Global Thinkers, Foreign Policy magazine.〕 Coming from the world of culture, either as a creator or as a mediator, the intellectual participates in politics, either to defend a concrete proposition or to denounce an injustice, usually by producing or by extending an ideology, and by defending a system of values.〔Pascal Ory and Jean-François Sirinelli, ''Les Intellectuels en France. De l’affaire Dreyfus à nos jours'' (''The Intellectuals in France: From the Dreyfus Affair to Our Days''), Paris: Armand Colin, 2002, p. 10.〕〔Santos Juliá, ''Elogio de Historia en tiempo de Memoria'' (''The Praise of History in the Time of Memory''), Marcial Pons: Madrid, 2001 (Reviewed in "Babelia" supplement, ''El País'' newspaper, 21 July 2012, by Miguel Ángel Bastenier): "The public writer (act ) as an engaged observer, without substituting for the reader, who shall draw his own conclusions, without occupying the place of power, neither that of opposition, but neither an illusory, intermediate place, by that appropriate to the intellectual in a democracy... it is the role of the critical observer, just as observed by Raymond Aron".〕
Socially, intellectuals constitute the intelligentsia, a status class organised either by ideology (conservative, fascist, socialist, liberal, reactionary, revolutionary, democratic, communist intellectuals, ''et al.'') or nationality (American intellectuals, French intellectuals, Ibero–American intellectuals, ''et al.''). The contemporary intellectual class originated from the ''intelligentsiya'' of Tsarist Russia (ca. 1860s–70s), the social stratum of those possessing intellectual formation (schooling, education, Enlightenment), and who were Russian society's counterpart to the German ''Bildungsbürgertum'' and to the French ''bourgeoisie éclairée'', the enlightened middle classes of those realms.〔In ''The Twilight of Atheism'' (2004, p. 53), the theologian Alister McGrath said that "the emergence of a socially alienated, theologically literate, anti-establishment lay intelligentsia is one of the more significant phenomena of the social history of Germany in the 1830s . . . three or four theological graduates in ten might hope to find employment in a Church post". In the essay, "The High Enlightenment and the Low-Life of Literature", the cultural historian Robert Darnton said that the politically radical thinkers who had participated in the French Revolution (1789–99), were not social outsiders, rather they were respectable, domesticated, and assimilated men. (pp. 1–40.) ''The Literary Underground of the Old Régime'', 1982.〕
During the late 19th century, amidst the Dreyfus Affair (1894–1906), an identity crisis of Anti-semitic nationalism for the French Third Republic (1870–1940), the reactionary anti–Dreyfusards (Maurice Barrès, Ferdinand Brunetière, ''et al.'') used the terms ''intellectual'' and ''the intellectuals'' to deride the liberal Dreyfusards (Émile Zola, Octave Mirbeau, Anatole France, ''et al.'') as political dilettantes from the realms of French culture, art, and science, who had become involved in politics, by publicly advocating for the exoneration and liberation of Alfred Dreyfus, the Jewish captain of artillery falsely condemned of betraying France to Germany.〔Arendt, Hannah. ''The Origins of Totalitarianism'', Second Edition. (1958) pp. 89–95.〕
In the 20th century, the term Intellectual acquired positive connotations of social prestige, derived from possessing intellect and intelligence, especially when the intellectual's activities exerted positive consequences in the public sphere, in order to increase the intellectual understanding of the public, by means of moral responsibility, altruism, and solidarity, without resorting to the manipulations of populism, paternalism, and condescension.〔In the newspaper column, "Pilot Fish Among Sharks" (''El País'', 14 June 2014), the Spanish philosopher of ethics Fernando Fernández-Savater Martín explained the social function of the public intellectual with an anecdote about the Transcendentalist philosopher Ralph Waldo Emerson, at whose public conferences, in different cities, there always was present the same uneducated woman, who answered his query about her presence, by saying: "It’s just that I like to listen to you, because you speak to us as if we were all intelligent."
Effectively so, that is precisely the specific function of the intellectual: To treat everyone else as if they, too, were intellectuals. That is to say, to not attempt to hypnotise them, to intimidate them, or to seduce them, but to awaken in them the mechanism of intelligence that weighs, evaluates, and comprehends. One must start from the Socratic premise that everyone in the world reveals himself, herself intelligent when treated as if intelligent. Is that social function compatible with the offices of politicians? Because, more often than not, they tend to govern themselves by the cynical principle that: “One must not treat the public as if they were imbeciles, nor forget that they are imbeciles", which was established by the novelist Frédéric Beigbeder (who, not in vain, began his career as an advertising man); it is plainly obvious that those are opposite approaches. What is bad, is that the first approach demands effort from the interlocutors — attention, reflection, and dubious sizings-up, while the second approach flatters the primitive emotions of enthusiasm or revenge, and converts critical thinking to satire or to swearing curses, and social problems into notorious scandal. . . .
Of course, the advocates of atavistic formulas periodically return to the charge, because those emotional formulas are easily assumed out of ignorance (populism, as you already know, is democracy for the mentally lazy), and, as such, are more necessary than ever; thus, if there be no intellectuals in politics, at the least, there should be intellectual ethos in public and in social discourse. Nonetheless, the lesson of personal experience often is negative, and the honest intellectuals whom I know always have returned crestfallen (politics ), like the pioneer Plato returned from Syracuse. . . .” ((''Peces piloto entre tiburones'' ), el País, 15 June 2014).〕 Hence, for the educated person of a society, participating in the public sphere — the political affairs of the city-state — is a civic responsibility dating from the Græco–Latin Classical era:
The determining factor for a thinker (historian, philosopher, scientist, writer, artist, ''et al.'') to be considered a public intellectual is the degree to which he or she is implicated and engaged with the vital reality of the contemporary world; that is to say, participation in the public affairs of society. Consequently, being designated as a public intellectual is determined by the degree of influence of the designator’s motivations, opinions, and options of action (social, political, ideological), and by affinity with the given thinker; therefore: 〔In the essay "Existentialism is a Humanism" (1946), Jean-Paul Sartre explains the philosophical concepts of implication and engagement. In (''Notas para una lectura'' (''Notes for a Lecture'') ), the Catalonian philosopher Ramón Alcoberro i Pericay explains Sartre’s opinion of not being engaged with one’s times, and the consequent implications: . . . once one comprehends his () idea of "Man as Situation", it is easier to understand the concepts of "responsibility" and "engagement". To become engaged in a concrete situation—"to become embarked", said Pascal—is the consequence of presuming that one cannot live in pure, conceptual abstraction; everyone always is in a given "situation", and it corresponds to us to be responsible (to respond) to that situation; simply put, neutrality is not possible. In an editorial opinion in ''Les Temps modernes'', in 1945, Sartre wrote, "I consider Flaubert and the Brothers Goncourt responsible for the repression that followed the Commune, because they never wrote, even a line, to impede it." See: ''What is Literature?'' (1947)〕
Analogously, the application and the conceptual value of the terms Intellectual and the Intellectuals are socially negative when the practice of intellectuality is exclusively in service to The Establishment who wield power in a society, as such:
Hence, Noam Chomsky’s negative criticism of the Establishment Intellectual, logically postulates the existence of an intellectual Other, thus the public intellectual is:
== Terms and endeavours ==

The intellectual is a specific variety of the intelligent, which unlike the general property, is strictly associated with reason and thinking. Many everyday roles require the application of intelligence to skills that may have a psychomotor component, for example, in the fields of medicine or the arts, but these do not necessarily involve the practitioner in the "world of ideas". The distinctive quality of the intellectual person is that the mental skills, which one demonstrates, are not simply intelligent, but even more, they focus on thinking about the abstract, philosophical and esoteric aspects of human inquiry and the value of their thinking.
The intellectual and the scholarly classes are related; the intellectual usually is not a teacher involved in the production of scholarship, but has an academic background, and works in a profession, practices an art, or a science. The intellectual person is one who applies critical thinking and reason in either a professional or a personal capacity, and so has authority in the public sphere of their society; the term ''intellectual'' identifies three types of person, one who:
# is erudite, and develops abstract ideas and theories
# a professional who produces cultural capital, as in philosophy, literary criticism, sociology, medicine, science or
# an artist who writes, composes, paints, etc.
Man of Letters
The English term "Man of Letters" derives from the French term ''belletrist'', but is not synonymous with "An academic".〔''The Oxford English Reference Dictionary'' Second Edition, (1996) p. 130.〕〔''The New Cassel's French–English, English–French Dictionary'' (1962) p.88.〕 The term Man of Letters distinguished the literate man ("able to read and write") from the illiterate man ("unable to read and write"), in a time when literacy was a rare form of cultural capital. In the 17th and 18th centuries the term ''Belletrist'' identified the ''literati'', the French "citizens of the Republic of Letters", which evolved into the salon, a social institution, usually run by a hostess, meant for the edification, education, and cultural refinement of the participants.

抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア(Wikipedia)

スポンサード リンク
翻訳と辞書 : 翻訳のためのインターネットリソース

Copyright(C) kotoba.ne.jp 1997-2016. All Rights Reserved.