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deference : ウィキペディア英語版
:''For other uses, see Submission (disambiguation).'':''For the legal doctrine, see Judicial deference. '':''"Deferential" and "Submission" redirect here. Not to be confused with Difference (disambiguation) or Differential (disambiguation).''Deference''' (also called '''submission''' or '''passivity''') is the condition of submitting to the espoused, legitimate influence of one's superior or superiors.John B. Kirbya, "Early American Politics—The Search for Ideology: An Historiographical Analysis and Critique of the Concept of 'Deference,'" ''The Journal of Politics'', Volume 32, Issue 04, November 1970 pp 808-838 Deference implies a yielding or submitting to the judgment of a recognized superior out of respect or reverence. Deference has been studied extensively by political scientists, sociologists, and psychologists.==Politics==Smolenski (2005) examines deference in colonial Pennsylvania, to see how claims to political authority were made, justified, and accepted or rejected. He focuses on the "colonial speech economy," that is, the implicit rules that determined who was allowed to address whom and under what conditions, and describes how the qualities that inspired deference changed in the province from 1691 to 1764. The Quaker elite initially established a monopoly on political leadership based on what they believed to be their inherent civic virtue grounded in their religious and social class. By 1760, this view had been discredited and replaced with the general consensus that civic virtue was an achieved, not an inherent, attribute and that it should be determined by the display of appropriate manliness and the valor of men who were willing to take up arms for the common defense of the colony. Further, Pennsylvanians came to believe that all white men, not just wealthy property owners, were equally capable of achieving political voice. Martial masculinity, therefore, became the defining characteristic of the ideal citizen and marked a significant transformation in the way individuals justified their right to represent the public interest.John Smolenski, "From Men of Property to Just Men," ''Early American Studies, An Interdisciplinary Journal,'' Fall 2005, Vol. 3 Issue 2, pp 253-285
:''For other uses, see Submission (disambiguation).''
:''For the legal doctrine, see Judicial deference. ''
:''"Deferential" and "Submission" redirect here. Not to be confused with Difference (disambiguation) or Differential (disambiguation).''
Deference (also called submission or passivity) is the condition of submitting to the espoused, legitimate influence of one's superior or superiors.〔John B. Kirbya, "Early American Politics—The Search for Ideology: An Historiographical Analysis and Critique of the Concept of 'Deference,'" ''The Journal of Politics'', Volume 32, Issue 04, November 1970 pp 808-838〕 Deference implies a yielding or submitting to the judgment of a recognized superior out of respect or reverence. Deference has been studied extensively by political scientists, sociologists, and psychologists.
==Politics==
Smolenski (2005) examines deference in colonial Pennsylvania, to see how claims to political authority were made, justified, and accepted or rejected. He focuses on the "colonial speech economy," that is, the implicit rules that determined who was allowed to address whom and under what conditions, and describes how the qualities that inspired deference changed in the province from 1691 to 1764. The Quaker elite initially established a monopoly on political leadership based on what they believed to be their inherent civic virtue grounded in their religious and social class. By 1760, this view had been discredited and replaced with the general consensus that civic virtue was an achieved, not an inherent, attribute and that it should be determined by the display of appropriate manliness and the valor of men who were willing to take up arms for the common defense of the colony. Further, Pennsylvanians came to believe that all white men, not just wealthy property owners, were equally capable of achieving political voice. Martial masculinity, therefore, became the defining characteristic of the ideal citizen and marked a significant transformation in the way individuals justified their right to represent the public interest.〔John Smolenski, "From Men of Property to Just Men," ''Early American Studies, An Interdisciplinary Journal,'' Fall 2005, Vol. 3 Issue 2, pp 253-285〕

抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア(Wikipedia)
ウィキペディアで「:''For other uses, see Submission (disambiguation).'':''For the legal doctrine, see Judicial deference. '':''"Deferential" and "Submission" redirect here. Not to be confused with Difference (disambiguation) or Differential (disambiguation).'''''Deference''' (also called '''submission''' or '''passivity''') is the condition of submitting to the espoused, legitimate influence of one's superior or superiors.John B. Kirbya, "Early American Politics—The Search for Ideology: An Historiographical Analysis and Critique of the Concept of 'Deference,'" ''The Journal of Politics'', Volume 32, Issue 04, November 1970 pp 808-838 Deference implies a yielding or submitting to the judgment of a recognized superior out of respect or reverence. Deference has been studied extensively by political scientists, sociologists, and psychologists.==Politics==Smolenski (2005) examines deference in colonial Pennsylvania, to see how claims to political authority were made, justified, and accepted or rejected. He focuses on the "colonial speech economy," that is, the implicit rules that determined who was allowed to address whom and under what conditions, and describes how the qualities that inspired deference changed in the province from 1691 to 1764. The Quaker elite initially established a monopoly on political leadership based on what they believed to be their inherent civic virtue grounded in their religious and social class. By 1760, this view had been discredited and replaced with the general consensus that civic virtue was an achieved, not an inherent, attribute and that it should be determined by the display of appropriate manliness and the valor of men who were willing to take up arms for the common defense of the colony. Further, Pennsylvanians came to believe that all white men, not just wealthy property owners, were equally capable of achieving political voice. Martial masculinity, therefore, became the defining characteristic of the ideal citizen and marked a significant transformation in the way individuals justified their right to represent the public interest.John Smolenski, "From Men of Property to Just Men," ''Early American Studies, An Interdisciplinary Journal,'' Fall 2005, Vol. 3 Issue 2, pp 253-285」の詳細全文を読む
'Deference (also called submission or passivity) is the condition of submitting to the espoused, legitimate influence of one's superior or superiors.John B. Kirbya, "Early American Politics—The Search for Ideology: An Historiographical Analysis and Critique of the Concept of 'Deference,'" ''The Journal of Politics'', Volume 32, Issue 04, November 1970 pp 808-838 Deference implies a yielding or submitting to the judgment of a recognized superior out of respect or reverence. Deference has been studied extensively by political scientists, sociologists, and psychologists.==Politics==Smolenski (2005) examines deference in colonial Pennsylvania, to see how claims to political authority were made, justified, and accepted or rejected. He focuses on the "colonial speech economy," that is, the implicit rules that determined who was allowed to address whom and under what conditions, and describes how the qualities that inspired deference changed in the province from 1691 to 1764. The Quaker elite initially established a monopoly on political leadership based on what they believed to be their inherent civic virtue grounded in their religious and social class. By 1760, this view had been discredited and replaced with the general consensus that civic virtue was an achieved, not an inherent, attribute and that it should be determined by the display of appropriate manliness and the valor of men who were willing to take up arms for the common defense of the colony. Further, Pennsylvanians came to believe that all white men, not just wealthy property owners, were equally capable of achieving political voice. Martial masculinity, therefore, became the defining characteristic of the ideal citizen and marked a significant transformation in the way individuals justified their right to represent the public interest.John Smolenski, "From Men of Property to Just Men," ''Early American Studies, An Interdisciplinary Journal,'' Fall 2005, Vol. 3 Issue 2, pp 253-285

:''For other uses, see Submission (disambiguation).''
:''For the legal doctrine, see Judicial deference. ''
:''"Deferential" and "Submission" redirect here. Not to be confused with Difference (disambiguation) or Differential (disambiguation).''
Deference (also called submission or passivity) is the condition of submitting to the espoused, legitimate influence of one's superior or superiors.〔John B. Kirbya, "Early American Politics—The Search for Ideology: An Historiographical Analysis and Critique of the Concept of 'Deference,'" ''The Journal of Politics'', Volume 32, Issue 04, November 1970 pp 808-838〕 Deference implies a yielding or submitting to the judgment of a recognized superior out of respect or reverence. Deference has been studied extensively by political scientists, sociologists, and psychologists.
==Politics==
Smolenski (2005) examines deference in colonial Pennsylvania, to see how claims to political authority were made, justified, and accepted or rejected. He focuses on the "colonial speech economy," that is, the implicit rules that determined who was allowed to address whom and under what conditions, and describes how the qualities that inspired deference changed in the province from 1691 to 1764. The Quaker elite initially established a monopoly on political leadership based on what they believed to be their inherent civic virtue grounded in their religious and social class. By 1760, this view had been discredited and replaced with the general consensus that civic virtue was an achieved, not an inherent, attribute and that it should be determined by the display of appropriate manliness and the valor of men who were willing to take up arms for the common defense of the colony. Further, Pennsylvanians came to believe that all white men, not just wealthy property owners, were equally capable of achieving political voice. Martial masculinity, therefore, became the defining characteristic of the ideal citizen and marked a significant transformation in the way individuals justified their right to represent the public interest.〔John Smolenski, "From Men of Property to Just Men," ''Early American Studies, An Interdisciplinary Journal,'' Fall 2005, Vol. 3 Issue 2, pp 253-285〕

抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ''Deference (also called submission or passivity) is the condition of submitting to the espoused, legitimate influence of one's superior or superiors.John B. Kirbya, "Early American Politics—The Search for Ideology: An Historiographical Analysis and Critique of the Concept of 'Deference,'" ''The Journal of Politics'', Volume 32, Issue 04, November 1970 pp 808-838 Deference implies a yielding or submitting to the judgment of a recognized superior out of respect or reverence. Deference has been studied extensively by political scientists, sociologists, and psychologists.==Politics==Smolenski (2005) examines deference in colonial Pennsylvania, to see how claims to political authority were made, justified, and accepted or rejected. He focuses on the "colonial speech economy," that is, the implicit rules that determined who was allowed to address whom and under what conditions, and describes how the qualities that inspired deference changed in the province from 1691 to 1764. The Quaker elite initially established a monopoly on political leadership based on what they believed to be their inherent civic virtue grounded in their religious and social class. By 1760, this view had been discredited and replaced with the general consensus that civic virtue was an achieved, not an inherent, attribute and that it should be determined by the display of appropriate manliness and the valor of men who were willing to take up arms for the common defense of the colony. Further, Pennsylvanians came to believe that all white men, not just wealthy property owners, were equally capable of achieving political voice. Martial masculinity, therefore, became the defining characteristic of the ideal citizen and marked a significant transformation in the way individuals justified their right to represent the public interest.John Smolenski, "From Men of Property to Just Men," ''Early American Studies, An Interdisciplinary Journal,'' Fall 2005, Vol. 3 Issue 2, pp 253-285">ウィキペディア(Wikipedia)
''Deference (also called submission or passivity) is the condition of submitting to the espoused, legitimate influence of one's superior or superiors.John B. Kirbya, "Early American Politics—The Search for Ideology: An Historiographical Analysis and Critique of the Concept of 'Deference,'" ''The Journal of Politics'', Volume 32, Issue 04, November 1970 pp 808-838 Deference implies a yielding or submitting to the judgment of a recognized superior out of respect or reverence. Deference has been studied extensively by political scientists, sociologists, and psychologists.==Politics==Smolenski (2005) examines deference in colonial Pennsylvania, to see how claims to political authority were made, justified, and accepted or rejected. He focuses on the "colonial speech economy," that is, the implicit rules that determined who was allowed to address whom and under what conditions, and describes how the qualities that inspired deference changed in the province from 1691 to 1764. The Quaker elite initially established a monopoly on political leadership based on what they believed to be their inherent civic virtue grounded in their religious and social class. By 1760, this view had been discredited and replaced with the general consensus that civic virtue was an achieved, not an inherent, attribute and that it should be determined by the display of appropriate manliness and the valor of men who were willing to take up arms for the common defense of the colony. Further, Pennsylvanians came to believe that all white men, not just wealthy property owners, were equally capable of achieving political voice. Martial masculinity, therefore, became the defining characteristic of the ideal citizen and marked a significant transformation in the way individuals justified their right to represent the public interest.John Smolenski, "From Men of Property to Just Men," ''Early American Studies, An Interdisciplinary Journal,'' Fall 2005, Vol. 3 Issue 2, pp 253-285">ウィキペディアで「:''For other uses, see Submission (disambiguation).'':''For the legal doctrine, see Judicial deference. '':''"Deferential" and "Submission" redirect here. Not to be confused with Difference (disambiguation) or Differential (disambiguation).''Deference (also called submission or passivity''') is the condition of submitting to the espoused, legitimate influence of one's superior or superiors.John B. Kirbya, "Early American Politics—The Search for Ideology: An Historiographical Analysis and Critique of the Concept of 'Deference,'" ''The Journal of Politics'', Volume 32, Issue 04, November 1970 pp 808-838 Deference implies a yielding or submitting to the judgment of a recognized superior out of respect or reverence. Deference has been studied extensively by political scientists, sociologists, and psychologists.==Politics==Smolenski (2005) examines deference in colonial Pennsylvania, to see how claims to political authority were made, justified, and accepted or rejected. He focuses on the "colonial speech economy," that is, the implicit rules that determined who was allowed to address whom and under what conditions, and describes how the qualities that inspired deference changed in the province from 1691 to 1764. The Quaker elite initially established a monopoly on political leadership based on what they believed to be their inherent civic virtue grounded in their religious and social class. By 1760, this view had been discredited and replaced with the general consensus that civic virtue was an achieved, not an inherent, attribute and that it should be determined by the display of appropriate manliness and the valor of men who were willing to take up arms for the common defense of the colony. Further, Pennsylvanians came to believe that all white men, not just wealthy property owners, were equally capable of achieving political voice. Martial masculinity, therefore, became the defining characteristic of the ideal citizen and marked a significant transformation in the way individuals justified their right to represent the public interest.John Smolenski, "From Men of Property to Just Men," ''Early American Studies, An Interdisciplinary Journal,'' Fall 2005, Vol. 3 Issue 2, pp 253-285」の詳細全文を読む

passivity''') is the condition of submitting to the espoused, legitimate influence of one's superior or superiors.John B. Kirbya, "Early American Politics—The Search for Ideology: An Historiographical Analysis and Critique of the Concept of 'Deference,'" ''The Journal of Politics'', Volume 32, Issue 04, November 1970 pp 808-838 Deference implies a yielding or submitting to the judgment of a recognized superior out of respect or reverence. Deference has been studied extensively by political scientists, sociologists, and psychologists.==Politics==Smolenski (2005) examines deference in colonial Pennsylvania, to see how claims to political authority were made, justified, and accepted or rejected. He focuses on the "colonial speech economy," that is, the implicit rules that determined who was allowed to address whom and under what conditions, and describes how the qualities that inspired deference changed in the province from 1691 to 1764. The Quaker elite initially established a monopoly on political leadership based on what they believed to be their inherent civic virtue grounded in their religious and social class. By 1760, this view had been discredited and replaced with the general consensus that civic virtue was an achieved, not an inherent, attribute and that it should be determined by the display of appropriate manliness and the valor of men who were willing to take up arms for the common defense of the colony. Further, Pennsylvanians came to believe that all white men, not just wealthy property owners, were equally capable of achieving political voice. Martial masculinity, therefore, became the defining characteristic of the ideal citizen and marked a significant transformation in the way individuals justified their right to represent the public interest.John Smolenski, "From Men of Property to Just Men," ''Early American Studies, An Interdisciplinary Journal,'' Fall 2005, Vol. 3 Issue 2, pp 253-285」
の詳細全文を読む



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